Chapter 3:

• Women
• Loss of Confidence as a Cause of Field Switching Among Undergraduate Women in Science, Mathematics, and Engineering Majors
• Blacks
• Hispanics
• Asians
• American Indians
• American Indians in Higher Education

A recent study shows that many young women bring to their experience of science, mathematics, and engineering (SME) disciplines a pattern of socialization that is entirely different from that of young men. Many aspects of SME majors, which have evolved largely to meet the educational needs of young men, force women into conflict with their own socialization experiences. The resolution of these conflicts is sometimes accomplished by leaving the major, sometimes by making personal adjustments to the dominant male social system.

Broadly speaking, men experience a life-long pressure to manifest an intrinsic sense of self-worth, to respond to challenge with displays of self-sufficiency and stoicism, and to show independence from the need for nurturing. By contrast, the socialization of young women (including their formal education) is biased toward the development of an extrinsic sense of identity. From earliest childhood, throughout the years of formal education, girls are encouraged to perform for the approval of others and to attach feelings of confidence and self-worth to signs that others are pleased by what they do. The degree to which any woman depends on others for her sense of achievement varies according to the mixture of cultural influences that constitute her socialization experiences. The tendency to perform for others is not gender-exclusive: depending on the circumstances of their upbringing and education, young men may also exhibit this trait. One important exception was found to be black women, who reflected a pattern of socialization that encouraged an independent self-image, self-reliance, and assertiveness in getting educational needs met. These women were distinctively inner-directed, compared with other women and most black men.

A pattern of performing for others–with negative consequences for persistence–appeared in several aspects of the study data. Many more women than men reported that they had chosen SME majors at the prompting of family or teachers, rather than for reasons of field or career interest.[1]  Choices made primarily to please someone else did not withstand the rigors of an SME major and made students vulnerable to the attractions of other fields. The study found a difference in the approach to education among young men and young women. An example is their different reasons for disliking large introductory classes. Men disliked them because they "have negative effects on grades," encourage "more competition for grades," and "are usually taught by less qualified faculty." Women disliked large classes because "you don’t get to know the professor," "it’s too impersonal," and "the professor doesn’t care if you learn or attend class." These differences in judgments also suggest that women were more likely to enter college expecting to establish individual teacher-learner relationships.

This expectation was also reflected in the definitions of "good" and "bad" teachers offered by male and female students. Women commonly stressed the importance of a teacher’s personal behavior toward them and defined the "bad" teacher as "unapproachable," "impersonal," and "intimidating." Good teachers were seen as "approachable," "friendly," and "patient"; they "really care about you, and want you to learn." Men were less concerned with faculty’s openness to student contact than with their effectiveness in presenting the material.

Being raised to work for the approval of others explains why many women enter college without a clear view of what they want from their education and also why the openness of faculty to student contact is so central to many women’s definition of the good teacher. For these women, engaging the teacher in a personal dialogue is critical both to the ease with which they can learn and to their level of confidence about their academic performance. The reluctance of many faculty to be drawn into pedagogical or advisory relationships with individual students is a major factor in the decision of many able young women to leave SME majors.[2] 

The observations of the students in this study may offer a way to explain the recurrent finding of lowered confidence and self-esteem noted in other studies (Hall and Sandler, 1982; Ware and Dill, 1986; Arnold, 1987; Manis et al. 1993; see also reviews of this literature in Kimball, 1989 and ,Oakes, 1990). A female student whose confidence in her ability to domathematics and science is overdependent on the judgments of others, does not know how to assess the adequacy of her performance. Her self-confidence may be already shaken by her abrupt reduction in status. In high school, she was treated as special; now, she is part of a minority who are often treated with a perceived hostility that she cannot explain. The consequence for some women is confusion, anxiety, and a strong sense of abandonment. In the study one young woman stated

Even when their performance is adequate or good, teacher-dependent students (whether women or men) have difficulty in motivating themselves and in knowing that they are "doing okay" without faculty reassurance. Some of the nonswitching seniors described how difficult it had been to forego the high level of interaction and support to which they had been accustomed throughout their earlier school years. Learning to develop an independent sense of their own ability and progress had been vital to their survival.

Depending on teachers for performance evaluation, reassurance about progress, and as the basis for motivation, constitutes a serious handicap for the many women who enter college having learned how to learn in this manner. Persistence initiatives which do not take this into account simply will not be effective. Looking to a teacher for interpretation and validation of their academic performance is a learned dependence which people can change, or outgrow, but not without first experiencing anxiety and frustration which, for some, ends in field switching. To a much higher degree than is the case for young men, preserving the self-confidence which young women bring into college depends on periodic reinforcement by faculty. To be faced with the prospect of four years of relative isolation and perceived male hostility on the one hand, and the abrupt withdrawal of familiar sources of praise, encouragement, and reassurance by faculty on the other, is the most common reason for the loss of self-confidence that makes able women in the sciences and engineering vulnerable to field switching.

–Adapted from Elaine Seymour and Nancy M. Hewitt, Talking About Leaving: Why Undergraduates Leave the Sciences (Westview Press, 1997)

Data presented elsewhere in this chapter and the appendix (see "Technical Notes to Chapter 3" and appendix A) show American Indians have the lowest rates of enrollment in and graduation from both 2-year and 4-year undergraduate institutions. Interestingly, the index of representation in text table 3-1 shows that the proportion of American Indian females in college is higher than their proportion in the general population. Together, American Indian males and females earn fewer than 1 percent of bachelor’s degrees awarded in all fields.

During the 30 years since Dineh College (formerly Navajo Community College), located in the heart of the Navajo Reservation, was founded, the number of tribal colleges has increased to 30 in 12 States. These colleges now enroll approximately 27,000 students. As Boyer notes, the possibility of American Indian participation in higher education is enhanced by the existence of these tribal colleges.

According to the Carnegie Foundation report, "Isolated by distance and culture, many [American Indians] have come to accept that they cannot complete school. College seems to many American Indians an impossible dream. Tribal colleges offer hope in this climate of despair...without sacrificing academic rigor, courses are often tailored to reflect the unique learning styles of American Indian students." (Boyer, 1977, p. 4)

Tribal colleges have become an integral part of the larger system of higher education for American Indians. Succeeding at a tribal college also appears to encourage students to continue their education and leads to increased employment opportunities.

Although no reliable studies have yet been done about graduation rates from tribal colleges, some tribal college presidents estimate that between 25 and 33 percent of students who enroll eventually receive a certificate or degree (Boyer, 1997). A survey of more than 500 graduates of Turtle Mountain College from 1980 to 1990 found that most graduates were either working or going to school. Fewer than 13 percent were unemployed, which "is in sharp contrast to the total rate of unemployment among Indian people." (Boyer, 1997, p. 68)

Research funded by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation examined the experience of American Indians majoring in math, science, engineering, or business (McAfee, 1977). The phenomenon of stepping into, out of, and back into higher education emerged as a typical mode of college attendance. Strength of cultural identity had a significant impact on persistence and outcome of undergraduate education. McAfee’s findings about the relationship between cultural identity and persistence to degree attainment reinforce the importance of tribal colleges for American Indians in higher education. In addition, McAfee’s work suggests that the phenomenon of stepping out is a norm that needs to be better understood and accommodated by institutions of higher education.